Free Essays on William Faulkners A Rose for Emily - Homicide :: A Rose for Emily, William Faulkner

A Homicide for Emily A Rose for Emily is a short matter to story written by William Faulkner. This is beca routine the way Emilys character is portrayed, the mysterious death of Homer Barron, and the way Faulkner uses the narrator to tell the story.Emily is portrayed as a wo human race who kept to herself throughout her whole life. In her younger years her father had driven all her suitors away. No man was good enough for Emily. Emilys solitude was especially evident after her father died and when her boyfriend Homer disappeared. Her hair had turned an irony gray after her father died. She had a blackened manservant throughout her whole life that went to the market, cooked and gardened for her. During the end of her life the manservants visits were the only way that the townspeople knew that she was still alive. After her father died Emily kept his body in her house. A few days after Emilys fathers death a couple of ladies came to give their condolences. But Emily came to the door dressed in casual clothes and showed no signs of grief. The townspeople were about to resort to law enforce ment when she finally broke down and told them that her father was dead. The townspeople did not believe she was crazy, withal though they knew insanity ran in her family. They thought Emily did this because they remembered how the father drove all the young men away. Now she was a figure that could be pitied by the town, only when and penniless.Eventually Emily met Homer, a Yankee who came into town to pave sidewalks during the summer of Emilys fathers death. They started seeing each other but Homer would quite hang out with the guys than hang out with Emily. He was not the marrying type. When Emily figured this out she bought some arsenic from a druggist. The townspeople thought she was going to use the arsenic to kill herself. However the next week they were sure homer and Emily would get married because Emily had been seen at the jewelers ordering a mans toilet set in s ilver, with the letters H.B. on each piece. Two days later she was seen buying a complete outfit of mens clothing, including a nightshirt. Homer was not seen for a week or so but he eventually came back into town and a inhabit saw the manservant let him in at the kitchen door.

trip :: essays research papers

hjk As I stepped onto the platform and walked down the terminal, my imagination began to arouse. Images of wild beasts roaming the land, and savage men armed with spears filled my mind. I had landed in Africa, land of the untamed or so I thought. For weeks people had been filling my mind with vivid descriptions of a country they had never seen, and I swallowed it all up.Walking toward the exit, I imagined seeing a luscious forest ahead of me, filled with exotic animals, and wild beasts. To my surprise, I walked out to a technical road. Towering buildings, heavy traffic, and choking smog were all I could see. I thought to myself, Is this Africa? If so where are the elephants, the lions, and savage tribe man? What I encountered was a civilized city.As the days progressed, and I traveled throughout the city, I came to the conclusions that someone had lied to me. This slur was definitely not Boston however, it was not the place I had imagined. Why was this place so different from th e descriptions given to me by several people? Did they intentionally lie to me, or did they just want to stir up my imagination?It took me a while, but I was able to figure it out. These people didnt mean to misinform me about Africa. They were just relating to me the same conventional information they too had heard from someone else. As with many other places, Africa was put into a category. It was categorized as an uncivilized, hostile region. Visiting Africa, I make the true picture. I saw it for what it is, an extravagant country.The busy city, filled with modern day equipment was just the beginning. Seeing preceding(a) this enabled me to see the true beauty of Africa.A three day visit to Sun City, a resort in Africa was enough to erase all past thoughts on Africa. The resort showed both the past and present history of Africa. The center held the modernized casino, surrounded by theaters, shops, and game centers. However it was the sites on the outskirts that opened my eyes. The one thing in particular was the 5 story high temple.

Henrik Ibsens A Dolls House Essay -- Henrik Ibsen Dolls House Essay

Henrik Ibsens A Dolls HouseIbsenss play is a modern tragedy which functions on dickens levels,questioning the established social order of the day and presenting thedeath of a marriage. Both these events create a great deal of strain,and combined with the language and actions use by the characters,make the play very intense.The main cause of dramatic tension throughout the play is the way thatthe difference between the real spirit of the characters and the rolesthey atomic number 18 assigned by society is presented. This difference isdemonstrated by the disparity in the action of the characters incomparison with their lexical choice.The initial fantasy given by the opening scene is of a happytraditional household. The first element of dramatic tension in theplay is introduced whenNora demonstrates this inconsistency when she lies to Helmer nearhaving eaten macaroons,Helmer Has my little sweet-tooth been indulging herself in towntoday, by any chance?Nora No, how can you think suc h a social function?It displays the way in which Nora is non always entirely honest withHelmer in order to maintain the inferior and obeying image he has ofher. It indicates that all is not as it first appears, creatingdramatic sarcasm and tension, as the audience are aware of the truth,yet Helmer is not.The immediate declarative used, No followed by the interrogative Howcan you think such a thing displays that Nora is firstly attemptingto remove all doubt of her innocence, and then switch the focus of theconversation to Helmer to distract from the fact that it is she who islying.Language is used to create dramatic tension as the different registersused by the characters in different situa... ...s something is going to happen or its near theendUnexpected turn when Mrs Linde says Helmer must experience the truth NoraHINTS AT PLOTHelmer points out Noras vulnerability - what would happen if he died.When Helmer condemns Krogstad - dramatic irony because audience knowNora has done t he same as him.waitingNora almost telling Helmer but delayed as Dr rank drops in and givesblack crosses so she has to wait longer.Helmer goes to study to read the letter - audience and Nora arewaiting to see what happens when he returns.DESPERATIONKrogstad warns Nora against suicide - shows how desperate she must be.Tarantella dance displays her desperation physically.IMAGERYThe Christmas tree reflects Noras state (e.g. bright and showy atthe beginning, candles burnt out nearer the end)Fancy dress represents Nora wearing her false self

Free College Essays - Aesthetic Form of Cantos and The Waste Land :: free essay writer

Cantos and The Waste Land esthetic Form in Modern Poetry In the Cantos and The Waste Land, it is clear that a radical transformation was taking place in aesthetic structure but this transformation has been touched on only peripherally by innovational critics. R. P. Blackmur comes closest to the central problem while analyzing what he calls Pounds anecdotal method. The special form of the Cantos, Blackmur explains, is that of the anecdote begun in bingle place, taken up in one or more other places, and finished, if at all, in still another. This deliberate disconnectedness, this art of a thing continually alluding to itself, continually breaking off short, is the method by which the Cantos tie themselves together. So soon as the readers mind is concerted with the cloth of the poem, Mr. Pound deliberately disconcerts it, either by introducing fresh and disjunct material or by reverting to old and, apparently, equally disjunct material. Blackmurs remarks apply equally well to The W aste Land, where syntactical sequence is given up for a structure depending on the perception of relationships between disconnected word-groups. To be properly understood, these word-groups must be juxtaposed with one another and perceived simultaneously. Only when this is do can they be adequately grasped for, while they follow one another in time, their meaning does not depend on this temporal relationship. The one difficulty of these poems, which no amount of textual exegesis can wholly overcome, is the internal conflict between the time-logic of language and the space-logic implicit in the modern conception of the nature of poetry. Aesthetic form in modern poetry, then, is based on a space-logic that demands a complete reorientation in the readers attitude toward language. Since the primary reference of any word-group is to something wrong the poem itself, language in modern poetry is really reflexive. The meaning-relationship is completed only by the simultaneous perception in space of word-groups that have no comprehensible relation to each other when read consecutively in time. Instead of the instinctive and immediate reference of words and word-groups to the objects or events they symbolize and the social organisation of meaning from the sequence of these references, modern poetry asks its readers to suspend the process of individual reference temporarily until the entire pattern of internal references can be understand as a unity. It would not be difficult to trace this conception of poetic form

Free College Essays - Aesthetic Form of Cantos and The Waste Land :: free essay writer

Cantos and The Waste Land Aesthetic Form in Modern Poetry In the Cantos and The Waste Land, it is clear that a radical transformation was taking place in aesthetic structure but this transformation has been touched on solo peripherally by upstart critics. R. P. Blackmur comes closest to the central problem while analyzing what he calls Pounds anecdotal method. The special form of the Cantos, Blackmur explains, is that of the anecdote begun in one place, interpreted up in one or more other places, and finished, if at all, in still another(prenominal). This deliberate disconnectedness, this art of a thing continually alluding to itself, continually breaking off short, is the method by which the Cantos tie themselves together. So soon as the readers mind is concerted with the material of the poem, Mr. Pound deliberately disconcerts it, either by introducing fresh and disjunct material or by reverting to old and, apparently, equally disjunct material. Blackmurs remarks apply equally w ell to The Waste Land, where syntactical time is given up for a structure depending on the perception of relationships between disconnected word-groups. To be properly understood, these word-groups must be juxtaposed with one another and perceived simultaneously. Only when this is done can they be adequately grasped for, while they follow one another in time, their meaning does not depend on this temporal relationship. The one difficulty of these poems, which no amount of textual exegesis can wholly overcome, is the inherent conflict between the time-logic of language and the space-logic implicit in the modern conception of the nature of poetry. Aesthetic form in modern poetry, then, is based on a space-logic that demands a complete reorientation in the readers attitude toward language. Since the primal reference of any word-group is to something inside the poem itself, language in modern poetry is really reflexive. The meaning-relationship is completed only by the simultaneous p erception in space of word-groups that have no comprehensible relation to each other when read consecutively in time. Instead of the instinctive and immediate reference of quarrel and word-groups to the objects or events they symbolize and the construction of meaning from the sequence of these references, modern poetry asks its readers to suspend the process of individual reference temporarily until the entire pattern of internal references can be apprehended as a unity. It would not be difficult to trace this conception of poetic form

Counter-Terrorism Strategies Reveal the Limits of Human Rights as a Cosmopolitan Discourse in the Age of Global Terror

Since the start of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, forgivingekind rights were introduced as a governance that exceeded any boundaries, such as religion, gender, ethnicity and groundality, in mold to protect each one-on-one. It was an attempt to universalize pitying standards of decency, deterrent exampleity and dignity, by way of constructing a planetary human community. It is through this that human rights were able to be changed and recognised as a standard for global order, regulated through international law.The round of act of terrorism is non a juvenile concept, and has been responsible for many innocent lives over many years, however non until the attacks on the United States, known as 9/11, has terrorism become such a globalized issue. It was through the symbolic destruction of capitalism, coupled with the vast media outlets to create witnesses that on the wholeowed for Western society to face a youthful threat of vulnerability. The mass p roduction of human rights violations aimed at such a seemingly powerful Western country induced a gardening of fear, specifically regarding the weaknesses in national shelter.Terrorism, national security, and war became the dominant dialogue throughout international politics, and governments began to develop counter-terrorism legislation in order to enhance feelings of safety and security, only also to seek retribution against terrorist groups. It is through this introduction of new counter-terrorism legislation that allows the expectations of human rights protection to become confused, as state security becomes the prime concern.This new legislation becomes a shield to hide behind when human rights violations are committed, allowing the state to use the premise of counter terrorism as a defense for neglecting what was previously an internationally standardized notion of human rights protection. It then becomes a paradoxical debate of violation and protection, where policies des igned to protect society from these human rights violations, not only affect the terrorists whom they are aimed at, but start to affect the multitude whos rights they aim to protect.Where the notion of human rights is concerned in protecting the individual, counter-terrorism in the age of global terror re-employs these boundaries between the individual in the interest of the state, and disregards human rights. Pojman (2006) states that terrorism is a type of violence employed to deliberately nates non-combatants in a ruthlessly destructive and practically ergodic manner in order to support concrete semi semipolitical or religious objectives. Because of its random ature, the act of terrorism destabilizes any notion of a human rights formation by allowing each individual to be susceptible to its effects. Denying one their right to brio is depriving them of their most funda kind human right. According to Anthony Giddens (in Pojman), the difference between what he labels as old-t errorism and new-terrorism lies in its locality in geographical terms, where the first is concerned with superpatriotic ideology and remained local, and the latter is focused on its global implementation (2006). family line 11th became the poster for this new-terrorism, bringing with it the stark realisation that Western Society was not impervious to terrorist regimes. The vulnerability of the United States seemed not to bear been considered previously, and the mass murder evoked an intense culture of fear amongst the people, only to be further manipulated by the media, causing governments to strike with new legislation. The notion of prevention was a strong instigator for new strategies, where the state intended to seek out terrorist activity onward it happened.Terrorism uncovers the limits of the human rights system in achieving universal consensus. However the authority of rights is to a greater extent so to a lower placemined when counter-terrorist acts violate these moral p rinciples in the constant pursuit of their re-avouchment. on a lower floor the title of counter-terrorism, democratically defined countries are deserting fundamental principles of human rights that were once upheld, such as the presumption of innocence, the right to a f melodic line trial, freedom of manifestation and the right to seek asylum (McCulloch, 2003).The entire premise behind having a universal declaration of human rights was to maintain a society in which people could have entree to a global mechanism of protection and support. However counter-terrorism has dismantled these ideals and replaced them with suspect and presumed guilt. The position of human rights in the international community has been seen as dispensary to the higher priority of achieving security through counter-terrorism.Faced with the exposure of the weakness to its homeland, the US opted for a military based counter-terrorism approach, resulting in the deployment of military forces into the Middle ea stern hemisphere and Central Asia, initiating what was known as the War on Terror (Schorlemer, 2003). The invasion of Afghanistan was designed to strengthen state borders from afar by defeating terrorists at their source. However, in order to do so, the US strategy was to utilize violence to secure their human rights. In using violence, they contradicted exactly what they were fighting for.The state of emergency that was declared hobby 9/11 and the climate of fear fostered by terrorist activity destabilized the notion that all individuals are entitled to rights protection. In a state of war, honouring human rights is uncomplete practically possible nor theoretically required (Luban, 2002). It becomes intrinsic in the system of war that constitutional rights and civilised liberties of populations can be brought to a halt under the pretence of enhancing state security, all the while allowing for the deterioration of basic human rights under circumstances of organised violence.The U S disregard for abiding to the universal human rights of global citizens can strongly be seen in the military intervention in Afghanistan, and further in the counter-terrorism strategies of rendition, torture and stand upment practiced by the US and their assort in pursuit of security. Under the model of war, the lethal use of force on enemy troops is permissible, and the accidental maiming and killing of civilians is seen as confirming maltreat rather than victims of atrocities (Luban, 2002). Therefore, by declaration of war, George W. Bush implemented a counter-terrorism strategy, that by chastity of its nature softens the system of human rights as an internationally enforceable system available to all individuals. This is reinforced by highlighting its illegitimacy in instances of war. As terrorism is not an enemy in the conventional war sense, as it is not a visible and tangible body with a defined territory, the US forces in Afghanistan have relied on using air strikes to attack insurgents, concord to Garlasco (reference).Usual requirement of evidence or proof before a conviction becomes less regulated or required when at war, with plausible intelligence activity and insufficient evidence adequate as the foundation for action (Luban, 2002). In situations of flawed or limited intelligence, it has not been terrorists but civilians that have become victims of air strike assaults, thus having their right to life stolen from them (Garlasco).An example of this kind of fatal mistake occurred in the Afghani town of Uruzgan in 2002, where faulty intelligence concerning the side of Al-Qaeda fighters led to the execution of a lethal air strike, killing 21 civilians. This problematic endeavour to protect our rights is therefore legitimizing civilian casualties as collateral damage of war. Counter-terrorism strategies have justified the illegal detainment, torture and rendition of suspected terrorists as a necessary process in achieving security and paradoxica lly reasserting the human rights of moral citizens.The aft(prenominal)math of September 11th brought about the legitimization of human rights violations through new counter-terrorism laws, whereby these violations can most distinctly be witnessed through the treatment of prisoners in the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in Cuba. Democratic rights such as the presumption of innocence, the right to a fair trial, and freedom from torture were all eradicated in the operations that took place at the base, denying them these basic civil liberties in an unrelenting pursuit of truth and justice for the violence inflicted on American citizens on September 11th.Common practice has been the illegal postponement of suspected terrorists, where the rights to due process and a fair trial are not upheld. Recently, the evidence against the military has been growing, including appointed Pentagon documents, indicating that interrogators consistently employed hard line counter-resistance measures in absolu tion to induce prisoner co-operation. such measures include sleep deprivation, prolonged isolation, painful body positions, misrepresent suffocation, beatings, sexual provocation and displays of contempt for Islamic symbols (Bloche and Marks, 2005).Under the 1984 United Nations Convention Against Torture (CAT), an event is considered torture if it satisfies three constitutive elements the infliction of severe mental or physical suffering, for the recipient to be perpetrated for a purpose, and for this to occur by way of an official (Hocking and Lewis, 2007). The operation of torture in counter-terrorist tactics echoes the breakdown of moral consensus on the use of torture, with the US disrespect for this international human right setting a negative global standard (Wilson, 2005).Therefore, when another State executes this act of torture, the US and their Western Allies seek their services for interrogating their own suspected terrorists, rather than condemning the act. The US, sin ce September 11th, has engaged in transferring their suspects to other countries, where the torture and test can be carried out. This instance of rendition mirrors the practices undertaken by the Swedish Government, where they abducted extremist Islamic suspects and transferred them to Egypt, where torture under interrogation is considered legal custom (Bloche and Marks, 2005).Counter-terrorism has allowed for the undermining of the adoption of human rights globally. Where western democratic states were formerly viewed as human rights advocates, they now deny this role of leadership in aid of suppressing this culture of fear induced by global terrorism. Counter-terrorism strategies have both enhanced the degradation of human rights in regards to the moral basis for international relations, and allowed for the threat of terrorism to be used by state governments to increasingly militarize the protocol of law enforcement and increase the surveillance of civilians (McCulloch, 2003).The war on terror has perpetuated a permanent state of emergency with no foreseeable end. Thus in many western countries, the prolonged war against terror is being used politically rather than legally, to justify the permanent obstacle of civilian human rights (Zizek). Shielded by the counter-terrorism legislation, states have put into practice new national security laws whilst pre-existing emergency legislation has achieved legitimacy, claiming to be an immanent response to the threat of terrorism (Wilson, 2005).In support of their counter-terrorism strategies employed abroad, states such as Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada and the US have relied upon internal strategies to curtail the threat of terrorism. Such measures include the indefinite detention of suspected terrorists without trial or judicial review, the increased surveillance and reduced privacy protections, the dramatic increase in the powers afforded to domesticated spy agencies, the right to silence and choice of legal representation eradicated completely, and the vastly expanded resources afforded to military and police engaged in homeland security (McCulloch, 2003).The civil and political liberties that were considered so important during the devising of the UDHR, are now ironically being violated by the very people who them in place. The power to detain people will increase state security organizations power to suppress dissent by adding detention to the potential adverse consequences of political opinions that challenge the political status quo (McCulloch, 2003).In times of global terror, the implementation of increased surveillance does not invoke a feeling of security amongst society, but conversely, further loads the culture of fear that occurs through constant intimidation and increasingly inhibited freedoms. The dispensability of human rights in times of state emergency is revealed when our global principles can be undermined by counter-terrorist strategies so immediately.The princ iple of counter-terrorism, to enhance state security, has reinforced the rigidity of national borders, by entrenching foreigners and citizenship as acceptable bases for distinction and discrimination and the rejection of humanitarian concerns for individual needs (Mertus and Helsing, 2006). The figure of the refugee as the individual, deprived of citizenship and reliant on the goodwill of other states, illustrates this collision between the protection of individual versus the protection of the state (Humphrey, 2002). by and by the Second World War, the refugee acquired a measure of political significance as victims of persecution.However the contemporary threat of terrorism has redefined refugees as victims of an international system of nation states founded on a hierarchy of exclusion (Humphrey, 2002). Rather than generously extending protection to individuals seeking asylum from persecution, torture and war, counter-terrorism strategies have increased the conditionality in the ac ceptance of refugees. gravy holder people arriving on remote areas of the northwest shoreline of Australia constitute the manifestation of the international refugee crisis in this country.Recent asylum seekers are confined in remote detention centres in economically poor island communities to the north of Australia. This criminalization of refugees by the Australian government reflects a rejection of their moral responsibility as human rights guarantors whilst ironically committing human rights violations of their own. The detainment of asylum seekers inflicts a greater degree of suffering on these individuals with detention providing a re-traumatizing environment that may contribute to the development of mental health problems (Stout, 2002).The political discourse employed by the government in relation to boat people stripped the refugee of compassion and their human rights by referring to them as illegals that pay people smugglers (Humphrey, 2002). Thus rather than alleviate the suffering imposed on refugees by virtue of their situation, various States are going to extreme lengths to undermine the legitimacy of their asylum claims by making invalid character judgments.Similar to human rights, the category of refugee is non-racial in theory a state is obliged to extend support and assistance to a refugee without racial selectivity. Australia has a history of denying asylum based on race, such as the exclusion of Chinese immigrants during the 1880s, and now this racial exclusion is being inflicted on individuals of Middle Eastern descent based upon them sharing the same ethnicity as Al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorist groups.The racial assumptions that acquaint the Afghani or Iraqi race with terrorism have falsely led to the prolonged detainment and refused asylum of Middle Eastern individuals. Thus terrorism has accelerated the shift in global attitudes toward refugees from one of state moral responsibility to the prioritization of state security over accepting c laims for asylum. Whilst viewed as a strategy of counter-terrorism, enhanced border security and the increased conditionality required for refugees to gain asylum disqualifies human rights as a unifying discourse without qualification.The implementation of counter-terrorism strategies by Western nations in reaction to the 9/11 attacks were largely reactionary and centred on enhanced state security to reduce the likelihood of terrorist activity infiltrating national borders. The contemporary manifestation of terrorism represents a clash of civilizations, pitting the culture of Islamic fundamentalism against a Western culture composed of modernity, secularity and democracy (Pojman, 2006). In this clash human rights rests precariously in the middle.On the one hand, terrorism denies victims their rights, yet the enactment of counter-terrorism strategies to address these violations paradoxically impedes on the rights of global citizens. The way in which western countries have responded t o the threat of terrorism has not only violated principles of human rights and international law but has also proved to be ineffective in combating terrorism. Almost eight years after the proclamation of the global war on terror terrorists are still striking with alarming frequency and ease in our cities Madrid, London, Sharm el Sheikh, Bali and Mumbai represent the more recent and appalling acts.If our world is in a state of war, why is it that western forces have not been as successful as past governments in achieving victory in similar time periods as in past wars (Hocking and Lewis, 2007)? The First World War was won in five years and the Japanese Empire in World War II was defeated in four years following their attack on Pearl Harbour. Despite all the energies and resources deployed to strengthen the Wests War on Terror, global terrorism has not lost its power to recruit combatants and inflict destruction on unsuspecting communities (Hocking and Lewis, 2007).In the context of t errorism, war has proven to be ineffective as it fails to address the environment with which terrorism has evolved. Terrorist organizations flourish in societies that have been marginalized by globalization and where there are unresolved conflicts and few accountability mechanisms for addressing political grievances (Hocking and Lewis, 2007). The feeling of despair and sense of hopelessness rooted in oppression, ignorance, poverty and comprehend injustice have been identified as causal factors in the development of terrorism.Just as the benefits of globalization and modernity have been unequally distributed so have the capabilities of marginalized populations to gain access to their human rights. Thus to combat terrorism, the implementation of social and economic policy can help to mitigate exclusion and the impact of rapid socio-economic change which foster the grievances which terrorists exploit to gain legitimacy (Hocking and Lewis, 2007). Greater emphasis on counter-terrorism strategies, which address the causal factors of terrorism, will thus increase individual access to human rights and diminish their marginalization and global inequality.Terrorism is a political and criminal activity that undermines the foundation of the contemporary human rights system. It rejects the notion that by virtue of every individuals humanness they should have access to a host of civil, political and socio-economic rights. The attack of 9/11 exposed security weaknesses of the US, later on inducing fear in all western states that they could too be easily targeted by religious extremist factions. Counter-terrorism has aimed to heighten state security often to the detriment of upholding universal principles of human rights.Just as terrorism views all enemy citizens with the same contempt that is there is no distinction between the electric chair and an average citizen, in many regards counter terrorism makes no distinction between terrorists and civilians in that human righ ts barricades are imposed on all individuals in states of emergency. Once relied upon as states of human rights advocacy and leadership, western states have legitimized the rejection of human rights under the banner of counter-terrorism.The War on Terror, increasing surveillance of citizens, restriction of their constitutional rights and the abandonment of states moral duty toward asylum seekers symbolizes the dispensability and conditionality of universal human rights. The abrogation of human rights underlying contemporary counter-terrorism practices reflects the limits of the human rights system to neglect in times of emergency, fear and vulnerability.

How Does Shakespeare Make Act One Scene Five of Romeo Juliet Dramatically Effective?

How does Shakespeare make act one scene five of Romeo Juliet dramatically effective? When youre in love, you cant sleep because reality is better than your dreams Dr Seuss In Romeo and Juliet they have this dream of being together besides it is conflicted with the reality of their families. Unfortunately they follow this dream which ultimately ends up in death a testament to how powerful love really is. Shakespeares Romeo and Juliet is known as the greatest love story of all time. In the 16th century, masses didnt marry for love they married for wealth, a lot like when Juliets Dad arranges her to marry Paris.This is why Shakespeare had to incorporate personnel and conflict to grab the audiences attention. The themes are love, hate, dis true-bluety, fate and sin. Shakespeare would have to attract grab everyones attention throughout these plays, as many divers(prenominal) people came to watch and I hold he chose these sins because they can be used for every different characters personality. Shakespeare would do this by incorporating different religions and fancy phraseology like the reference to the Pentecost and using the word pilgrim to describe Romeo.During the whole play the word sin is used a lot by Juliet, Tybalt and Romeo. I think this is to say the audience that all of them will have a lot to be sorry for in the near future, as a sin is something you do wrong or something you ask god for forgiveness over. It is a strong word although its so short, as it foreshadows the outcome of peoples actions. Their punishments, so to speak. The nurse suddenly interrupts the sonnet showing the audience that in that respect love isnt a smooth ride already.The break in Romeo and Juliets conversation foreshadows the breaking of life, Romeos banishment and Juliets wedding to Paris as these things are all the things that lead up to, the consequence of Romeo and Juliets death. The nurse whence starts talking to Romeo and toying with his emotions by talking about m arriage as a source of money (meaning Paris. ) The nurse isnt being very loyal to Juliet at this point as she is saying he that can lay hold of her shall have the chinks. This is basically selling her, and talking about how all people will want is the money out of it not love.Shakespeares choice of language for Romeo after the nurse has told him that Juliet is a Capulet, is all about money. Account Debt This is implying that there will be a price to pay, because of his love for his foe. Trifling foolish banquet are Capulets words when he is dismissing people from his party. These words show the audience that he hasnt noticed Romeo, Juliet and Tybalts threats so therefore the fool is Capulet. Ironically enough Juliet then says My grave is like to be my wedding bed. This a coincidence because she dies on the morning of the marriage to Paris, Dies with her husband next to her, and she dies the day after she married Romeo. Within Juliets speech at the end, it contains a lot of strong language such as opposites like love loathed and early late. This links back to the light and dark opposites when Romeo talked about the doves and crows, trying to show us again that its a doomed relationship and it is an internal battle between love and hate. Hate between the two families but love between Romeo and Juliet, but unfortunately the hate stops the love.